By Jung-yao Lu
The comparative research of ancient linguistics makes a speciality of reconstructing old styles according to diachronic files and typological information from a number of languages or dialects in a language staff. the final word goal of the comparative reconstruction which calls for major cross-linguistic commentary and theoretical reasoning is to illustrate the ancient technique of language alterations. This booklet considers the diachronic improvement of either the chinese and the Naxi language, focusing really upon six contentious linguistic matters which are linked to a variety of linguistic alterations in such a lot components of the grammar of those languages, together with phonological alterations, semantic adjustments, syntactic alterations, and contact-induced alterations. those linguistic concerns are: tonal splits in proto-checked syllables and subgrouping of Loloish; the semantic improvement of go back in chinese language; the semantic improvement of soak up chinese language; the improvement of agentive passive markers in convinced dialects of chinese language; definiteness and nominalization, relativization, and genitivization in chinese language; and the improvement of nominalization, relativization, and genitivization in Naxi. This quantity offers new equipment and views by which those matters will be analyzed and resolved at the foundation of typological and diachronic proof. It makes use of cross-linguistic information from chinese language and the Tibeto-Burman languages so one can reconstruct a variety of diachronic advancements in chinese language and Naxi.
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Additional info for An Investigation of Various Linguistic Changes in Chinese and Naxi
For example, in the Mandarin dialect of Yangzhou, Nanjing, Chengdu, and Kunming, the groups of *voiced-initial and *voiceless-initial share the common tonal value , , , and , respectively. In the Xiang dialect of Changsha (䮯⋉), both groups maintain the same pitch value . In the Gan dialects of Nanchang (ই᰼), both groups preserve the same pitch value . Note that the Mandarin dialects of Yangzhou and Nanjing have no surviving original final stop, and the only syllable-final consonant is a glottal stop -Ƣ which was neutralized from *-p, *-t, and *-k.
1. 24 Neither of these subgroups developed tone-contrast in checked syllables. The Proto-Loloid can be subdivided into three language branches: Proto-Mosoid, Proto-Nasoid, and Proto-Lahoid. The languages in the Mosoid group, such as Nakhi (spelled “Naxi” (㓣㾯) in China) and Chiang (spelled “Qiang” (㖼䈝) in China), show “no tonal split” in checked syllables. It is very important to understand that the category “no tonal split” (in Matisoff’s terminology) does not reflect the real situation in Naxi or Mosuo.
25 In Matisoff’s analysis, the two-way tonal contrast in *checked syllables can be placed at least as far back as the *L period. Proto-Lahoid and Proto-Nasoid, which inherited the two checked-tone classes from *L, show two kinds of tonal split patterns. ) in the former group apply the regular rule of Matisoff’s Loloish tonal splits in that the *voiced initial syllables are lower-pitched, while the *voiceless initial syllables are higher-pitched. The languages (including Nasu and the Yi dialect of Luchuan (spelled “Luquan” in China)) in the latter group apply the tonal flip-flop, so that the *voiceless 28 Chapter Two initial syllables are lower-pitched than the *voiced initial ones.