By J. Youde
Utilizing historic and modern case reports, Youde strains the transferring stability among surveillance and international public sturdy provision and means that a human rights-based technique deals a strong compromise.
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Additional resources for Biopolitical Surveillance and Public Health in International Politics
No external force can require any state to ratify the IHR or work with international health efforts like UNAIDS, the Global Fund, or the Cater Center’s efforts to eradicate dracunculiasis. Further, these programs lack strong enforcement capabilities to require compliance or impose punishment. They instead rely upon a combination of persuasion, shame, and norm internalization to encourage compliance and agreement. In such a situation, surveillance provides an avenue for monitoring compliance in a way that benefits the citizens of a given country.
This is a particular problem for public goods. Because producers will not reap the benefits (and profits) from producing a public good, there is less incentive to produce that good. What further complicates the situation is that people can benefit from the public good even if they contribute nothing to its provision. Why should I, as a private company, bear the cost of providing of a particular good or service if I know that I cannot recover my costs? In these situations, the government often steps in to either produce the good itself or alter the incentives to induce private companies to provide it.
Writing in 1963, Langmuir defined this new notion of public health surveillance as the continued watchfulness over the distribution and trends of incidence through the systematic collection, consolidation, and evaluation 24 SURV EIL L A NCE AND H E A LT H IN POL I T ICS of morbidity and mortality reports and other relevant data. 40 This redefinition of surveillance emphasized the role of aggregate data. It focused less on individual cases and more on the emergence of statistical anomalies within populations and applying strategies to those populations.