By George Ginsburgs, Michael Mathos
The signing in Peking on may well 27, 1951, of the 17-point contract on Measures for the peaceable Liberation of Tibet marked the tip of Tibet's newest forty-year interlude of de facto independence and formalized an association which, even supposing in a few respects differing from the sooner dating among China and Tibet, in precept yet reimposed the former's conventional suzerainty over the latter. due to the fact that then, the path and trend of family members among the important govt and the so-called neighborhood govt of Tibet have passed through a chain of drastic reappraisals and readjustments, culmi nating within the uprising of 1959 and the flight of the Dalai Lama to India. those occasions, including the hot degeneration of the Sino-Indian border dispute right into a full-fledged army disagreement, have served to dramatize the significance of Tibet from the perspective of worldwide approach and global international relations. lengthy earlier than that, although, certainly ever due to the fact that Tibet's career through the chinese language crimson armies and the region's potent submission to Peking's authority, the Tibetan query had already assumed the prestige of an important political challenge and that for various solid purposes, inner in addition to overseas. From the vantage-point of household politics, the Tibetan factor was once from the very begin, and nonetheless is now, of major importance on at the least 3 counts.
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Additional resources for Communist China and Tibet: The First Dozen Years
In other words, Chinese strategy called for extensive changes in the established socio-political organization of the country, but throughout the Chinese pursued that plan in a purely ad hoc, thoroughly pragmatic manner, with specific conditions which obtained at any given moment both dictating the choice of individual moves and determining the elaboration of the practical course of action conducive to their execution. On a short-term basis, such an approach made excellent sense, of course, and the Chinese recorded considerable progress in their endeavors to upset, so to speak, the political balance in Tibet to their advantage.
Quite the contrary, the behavior of both parties stemmed to no appreciable extent from conscious endorsement by them of some semi-articulate political program such as either of the above, but from a traditional, near automatic, mutual antipathy coupled with the instant readiness of either side to exploit any propitious conjuncture of events to further its own particular interests, if possible at the expense of the other. Thus, despite repeated attempts over the years to cover it up, this basic fissure in the Tibetan body politic persisted, sometimes attaining critical proportions, then all but unnoticeable; but, the flaw was always there and, throughout, adversely affected the nation's domestic strength and weakened its international posture.
Apart from this, the powers of effective rule lay with the monasteries, the lords, the special governors or, in the purely public lands, with the agencies or high dignitaries to whom they were specifically assigned in return for services. These maintained their own regular administrative organization for the daily management of their vast private estates, serfs and all, with minimum interference on this count from the State. On the lowest echelon of government functioned the village, under a headman appointed by the district magistrate.